Omar Khalidi. Muslims in Indian Economy. Three Essays, 2006. 240. (cloth), ISBN 978-81-88789-23-8.
Reviewed by M. S. Bhatt
Published on H-Asia (November, 2008)
Commissioned by Sumit Guha
The Economic Conditions of India's Muslims
Intellectuals have long taken the economic conditions of Indian Muslims for granted. This is evident from the scarcity of systematic studies of their economic conditions. Two official reports, the Gopal Singh Committee Report (1982) and the Sachar Committee Report (2006) have addressed their socioeconomic conditions to some extent.[1] A few books are available but these are based on suspect methodologies and do not provide an informed understanding. The rest of the received literature is sharply polarized. A majority of the Muslim writers paint a dismal picture of discrimination and official apathy and concentrate disproportionately on the duties of Indian state towards Indian Muslims and its failures. On the other hand, narratives by right-wing Hindu intellectuals distort religious and demographic characteristics of Indian Muslims to explain not only their economic backwardness, but their “suspect loyalty” to the country.[2] Writers on both sides seem to be blind to the economic transformation of the Indian economy since independence. The absence of informed analysis consequently breeds further distortions. Some micro-level studies, mostly based on cross-sectional data, provide useful information. However, these need to be replicated to juxtapose the inferences in a macro frame.
Against this backdrop, Omar Khalidi’s Muslims in Indian Economy (which is an expansion of chapter 3 of his earlier book, Indian Muslims since Independence)[3] is a bold attempt to understand the economic conditions of the Indian Muslims with special reference to Urdu-speaking Muslims. After formulating a set of questions, Khalidi promises to “inter-weave description with interpretation and analysis” (p. 2). Delineating the inadequacies of the data sources, he presents a macro picture of Indian Muslims, focusing mainly on their origins, spatial spread, occupational distribution, role of the state, and important developments (the death of Aurangzeb in 1707, the adoption of English as the official language in 1835; the Mutiny of 1857) which adversely impacted the employment opportunities of Muslims. Khalidi also focuses on the plight of Muslims against the backdrop of partition and the blood-bath which followed it, the share of Muslims in government jobs, and conditions of subaltern Muslims. This is followed by detailing examples of state-sponsored discrimination (under the open patronage of independent India’s home minister, Sardar Patel and his lieutenants, such as G. B. Pant, B. G. Kher and R. S. Shukla, all chief ministers), gross misuse of the Evacuees Property Act and the Enemy Property Act (these laws ruined the Muslim businessmen who could neither sell their properties and nor use these as collateral), and gross misuse of Muslim waqf property. The macro picture is then supplemented by six case studies (Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Deccan/Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, and Maharashtra). These, by and large, are designed on a uniform pattern presenting an inter-temporal description of economic conditions of Muslims. In line with the all-India picture these chapters cover sectoral distribution of employment, occupational and spatial distribution, educational status, state interventions, community initiatives, success stories in the areas of trade and commerce, and the orchestration of pogroms. Other major concerns of the book include the causes and consequences of educational lag among Muslims, mismanagement and encroachment of waqf (community trust) property by the waqf boards, the state, semi-government organizations, and individual Muslims themselves. Most of the narratives are based on diverse data sources. Broad inferences by and large correlate with the macro picture. However, significant specificities do emerge, particularly during the pre-independence period. For example, as compared to Uttar Pradesh, Muslims in Bihar did not keep aloof from Western education and consequently had a fair share in government jobs though modern education was not widespread among them. Similarly, alongside the Aligarh movement in North India, there were parallel educational movements, like Anjuman-i-Islam in Maharashtra, which were instrumental in spreading education among Muslims in their respective areas. The post-independence situation across the states is not different than the picture presented in chapter 2. For page after page Khalidi has demonstrated that despite constitutional guarantees, the state has not been able to provide an enabling environment so that Muslims could build capabilities, use them to enhance their well-being, and thereby contribute to the overall development of the country. State inaction and (at times) direct involvement in pogroms directed against Muslims have been confirmed even by the official commissions of inquiry.
The significance of the Khalidi’s book lies in its attempt to match selected macro parameters with micro-economic profiles in an inter-temporal framework. This adds a distinct flavor to the book and makes it a useful addition to the received literature. Be that as it may, there are certain gray patches. Some of these originate from inadequate specification; conceptual and methodological inadequacies; nonobservance of the basics of cliometrics; and inadequate coverage.
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